Browsing Posts published in February, 2011

    Although policies are sympathetic to undocumented persons working in the sex industry, cultural stigma against illegal immigrants and prostitutions are realities for trafficking victims, both in the United States and in their home countries (Stuckman, 2006). Despite current emphasis on victim protection as opposed to old “victim blaming” policies and practices, there is evidence that reality falls short of ideology. Trafficking victims, given their limited education, work options, and historical trauma, may be vulnerable to “secondary trafficking” (Chuang, 2004). Trafficking victims may be among the most vulnerable and disadvantaged persons in society, likely to have experienced poverty, trauma, and desperation prior to trafficking (Bales, 2005; Coonan, 2004; Schuckman, 2006). Previous experiences, limited education, lack of fluency in host language and culture may cause victims to avoid seeking or utilizing help. Some researchers have noted correlations and similarities to victims of domestic violence including self blame, shame, lack of emotional and social support as factors (Gavagan & Brodyaga, 1998; Hopper, 2004). Because most victims are in the United States illegally, fear of deportation may be valid concern. Even for victims who are willing to come forward and cooperate with law enforcement, the process of applying for benefits and protections can be very long, stressful, and potentially risky. Despite protections, victims may be charged with crimes, including prostitution, and face incarceration or deportation (Bales & Lize, 2005; Pendleton, 2004; Webber & Shirk, 2005). Despite the high amounts of money provided to combat the problem of human trafficking, little change has occurred in terms of prosecutions of traffickers or protections for victims(Chuang, 2004).

    An Unsuccessful Intervention
    Marisol was identified as a potential “trafficking victim” by a trusted health care worker. The worker convinced Marisol that she might be able to obtain legal immigration status, public benefits, and even be reunified with her daughter, Serena, under the TVPA policies. Marisol reluctantly agreed to cooperate with law enforcement against “Uncle Ned,” resulting in greater alienation from her family of origin, as well as the local community. “Uncle Ned” was highly respected by Marisol’s family and peers. Her willingness to work with U.S. law enforcement was perceived by many as a betrayal. Programs, shelters, and legal resources specific to trafficking victims were limited or non-existent in the small rural community where Marisol and Sergio had been residing. Marisol’s worker made arrangements for Marisol to and Sergio to be placed in a shelter/advocacy program for victims of domestic violence. Life in the shelter failed to provide Marisol and Sergio with support and security. Once again perceived as an “other,” Marisol was shunned by the other residents. Few spoke her language, and many labeled her a “whore.” Separated from what she had perceived as support and special treatment from “Uncle Ned,” Marisol became increasingly lonely and afraid. She felt little in common with her housemates, many of whom had mental health and substance abuse problems. Sergio was exposed to viral infections and subjected to minor injuries from other children in the shelter. Marisol decided her best option was to run away. Given her lack of resources, education, and skills, Marisol soon found herself dependent on a man who put her back to work as a prostitute. She now keeps her HIV status hidden and avoids interactions with social service agencies or health care providers. Marisol is pregnant again, but her fears, previous experiences, and now, her current captor, keep her from accessing prenatal care or treatment for HIV/AIDS. Her lack of access to health care and information puts others, including her unborn child, at high risk of contracting HIV/AIDS.

    In response to efforts of unlikely coalitions of feminists, fundamentalist Christians, non-profit service providers, liberal and conservative politicians, The Trafficking Victims and Protection Act (TVPA) was passed in 2000 as a global attempt to reduce human trafficking (Stolz, 2005). President George W. Bush, in an emotional 2003 “Rescuing Women and Children from Slavery” speech to the United Nations, announced a $50 million initiative to combat human trafficking around the world (U.S Department of Homeland Security, 2005). According to the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA), trafficking is defined as: (a) sex trafficking in which a commercial sex act is induced by force, fraud, or coercion, or in which the person induced to perform such an act has not attained 18 years of age; (b) the recruitment, harboring, transportation, provision, or obtaining of a person for labor or services, through the use of fraud, force, or coercion for the purpose of subjection to involuntary servitude, peonage, debt bondage, or slavery (Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000).
    Mexico online pharmacy
    The Trafficking Victims and Protection Act (TVPA) was designed to protect victims and to increase prosecutions against traffickers. Included in TVPA are provisions that allow illegal immigrants access to legal status and government benefits. Qualified trafficking victims may apply for “T visas” allowing them to remain in the United States and to receive federal government benefits. Requirements include agreement that victims cooperate with federal law enforcement in the prosecution of traffickers (Bales, 2005; Chuang, 2004; Webber & Shirk, 2005). T-visas allow many potential benefits not available to other illegal immigrants, including waiver of health screening requirement and HIV tests, protection against criminal prosecution for trafficking related offenses, and waiver of the “public charge” expectations. Qualified victims may petition to have family members admitted to the United States. United States anti-trafficking policies include attempts to encourage other countries to comply with anti-trafficking efforts by threatening lack of fiscal support to non-compliant countries (Stolz, 2005).

    T-visa programs have been criticized by some as “free green cards” with potential for abuse and fraud (Allen, 2004). Other groups have expressed concerns that illegal immigrants may exploit the policies and use “the trafficking defense” to avoid criminal prosecution for unauthorized immigration and prostitution (Chuang, 2004). Despite these concerns about potential misuse of the program, actual utilization remains extremely low (Webber & Shirk, 2005). From 2001-2005, only 752 trafficking victims applied and 491 received T-visas (p. 1). It is believed that these numbers represent less than 1% of all trafficking victims (Chuang, 2004). The reasons for under-representation are not well understood. Some believe the emphasis on criminal justice needs to prosecute traffickers as opposed to victim needs and protections are factors. Victims may risk retaliation from traffickers, risk deportation by officials unfamiliar with policies, and face continued stigmatization.